PORTUGAL: Civicus Monitor Update – October 2026
This alert originally appeared on CIVICUS Monitor
Introduction
This report documents developments between the end of 2025 and October 2026 affecting civic space in Portugal, including threats to freedom of association, assembly and expression, as well as challenges to media independence. These developments reflect concerning and sustained patterns identified in previous years.
Despite Portugal’s civic space being rated “open” by the CIVICUS Monitor, civil society organisations (CSOs), grassroots movements and activists report facing pressure from multiple directions, including the securitisation of activism, unstable civil society funding, particularly for organisations supporting marginalised communities, restrictions on participation, and targeted harassment by extremist groups. These pressures undermine the ability of civil society groups to operate freely, particularly those representing racialised and LGBTQI+ communities and Palestine solidarity movements.
Freedom of Association
House searches of Palestine solidarity activists
On 19th June 2026, the Portuguese Judicial Police, through its National Counter-Terrorism Unit, carried out house searches of members of the Collective for the Liberation of Palestine (Coletivo pela Libertação da Palestina) in Lisbon. The searches resulted in the seizure of materials and several individuals being taken in for questioning.
The searches formed part of an investigation by the Lisbon public prosecutor’s office (Departamento de Investigação e Ação Penal de Lisboa – Secção de Almada, DIAP Almada) into suspected criminal association, public incitement to crime, glorification of crime, aggravated damage and offences against a legal person. However, according to the collective, the searches were intended to intimidate the Palestine solidarity movement, raising concerns about the potential criminalisation of Palestine solidarity activism and its deterrent effect on the rights to freedom of assembly, expression and association.
The Civic Space Watch platform warned that the use of the National Counter-Terrorism Unit in relation to political activism and civic engagement risks criminalising and securitising legitimate forms of democratic participation. The application of criminal law provisions such as criminal association and glorification of crime to activists and civil society organisers risks treating civic engagement and legitimate forms of public participation and dissent as security matters rather than protected rights.
Neo-Nazi “target list” threatening activists and CSOs
On 17th June 2026, Portugal’s Central Department for Criminal Investigation and Prosecution (DCIAP) issued an indictment against nine members of the neo-Nazi movement Movimento Armilar Lusitano (Lusitanian Armillary Movement, MAL) for terrorist offences. The investigation uncovered an extensive list of individuals and CSOs whose information had been collected by the group.
The alleged armed far-right extremist group had compiled a list of “targets” including politicians, journalists, artists, academics, activists and CSOs considered “undesirable” or of interest to the movement. It specifically identified organisations, movements and activists working on social justice, anti-fascism, anti-racism, climate justice, migrants’ rights and LGBTQI+ rights, including Academia Cidadã, Casa do Brasil, ILGA, Climáximo, SOS Racismo and Habita. In addition to CSOs and activists, the list also included at least 12 journalists. Following the indictment, the list was subsequently circulated by the national media.
Funding instability for organisations supporting victims of domestic violence
On 22nd June, organisations within Portugal’s National Network for the Support of Victims of Domestic Violence warned of prolonged delays and uncertainty in public funding, threatening the continuity of essential services, including shelter, reception and protection for victims of domestic and gender-based violence. They said dozens of organisations risked closing in the coming months unless emergency funding was provided to cover their costs.
According to the network, the instability was driven by heavy reliance on European funds and intermittent calls for funding applications. The CSOs said the situation reflected broader concerns about government neglect of organisations providing essential public services.
The organisations also warned that the current funding model creates persistent uncertainty over the future of essential support services across the country and that the lack of stable financing compromises Portugal’s obligations under the Istanbul Convention.
Black Pride Matters postponed amid funding shortfalls
On 3rd July 2026, the collective Black Pride Matters announced on social media that its third edition would be postponed until 2027 due to a lack of funding. In its statement, the collective recalled that the free, community-based project was established in 2024 to bridge the gap between anti-racist and LGBTQI+ rights movements in Portugal.
The collective denounced the absence of public or institutional funding, attacks against the communities it represents and a lack of legal support. Its concerns reflect wider challenges facing community-based organisations. In its 2026 Civic Space Report, the European Civic Forum identified a broader trend in the Lisbon area in which community and cultural spaces are being forced to close due to property speculation, an unstable public funding environment and urban gentrification, hindering the ability of grassroots CSOs to operate.
Freedom of Peaceful Assembly
Protests, general strike over proposed labour reforms
On 8th November 2025, tens of thousands of people marched through Lisbon against the centre-right government’s proposed labour reforms, which would make it easier to dismiss workers and outsource jobs, while limiting some forms of compassionate leave, including bereavement leave following miscarriage. The government argued that the changes were necessary to increase labour-market flexibility and boost productivity.
Portugal’s largest trade union, CGTP, which estimated that around 100,000 people attended the march, described the reforms as among “the greatest attacks ever made on workers” and called for a general strike on 11th December. Protesters also demanded higher wages, amid official data showing that more than half of workers earn less than €1,000 a month.
Organised by the country’s major trade unions (CGTP-IN and UGT), the 11th December general strike mobilised approximately three million workers, according to organisers, representing around 60 per cent of the workforce. Media reports described it as the first major general strike in Portugal in more than a decade.
Despite the peaceful nature of the mobilisation, some incidents were reported. In Lisbon, where a march was also held, the Portuguese Public Security Police (PSP – Intervention Corps) used rubber bullets to disperse a crowd gathered near parliament and arrested six people.
According to CSO Academia Cidadã and an alert published by the Civic Space Watch platform, the officially declared strike and march to parliament proceeded peacefully, with an estimated 50,000 participants. After the event had ended, around 200 protesters remained near a police barrier in front of parliament. CSO observers reported that fewer than 50 people were involved in isolated acts of vandalism, including setting fire to bins and throwing objects. They nevertheless considered the PSP’s response disproportionate, reporting that officers used rubber bullets indiscriminately, including against protesters who had not engaged in violent acts. At least five people were reportedly hit in the head, and the use of force was not preceded by effective warnings.
Portuguese law classifies rubber bullets as firearms and explicitly prohibits their use for crowd dispersal except where there is an imminent threat to life. According to observers, no such threat was present during the general strike. Civic Space Watch described the incident as a “clear escalation” in the policing of social rights protests in Portugal.
On 3rd June 2026, a second general strike in six months, called by CGTP against the government’s proposed labour reforms, again caused widespread disruption, with trains suspended, hundreds of flights cancelled and schools closed nationwide. The strike followed the collapse of talks between the government and trade unions over the reform package, which would amend more than 100 articles of the labour code. On 19th June 2026, parliament ultimately rejected the proposed labour package, with both major opposition parties – the far-right Chega and centre-left Socialist Party – uniting to block the bill.
Mobilisations on cost of living, social and labour rights
On 21st March 2026, protests were held in at least 16 Portuguese cities against rising housing costs, organised by the Casa Para Viver platform and supported by 88 organisations. In Lisbon, hundreds marched from Marquês de Pombal along Avenida da Liberdade, while demonstrations also took place in Porto and other cities. Protesters criticised the government’s housing policies, arguing that rents and house prices had risen sharply while wages remained low. They also opposed proposed changes to tenancy laws that would make evictions for non-payment easier. The platform called for rent regulation, more public housing and action on vacant properties used for tourism. On 30th September 2026, the Portuguese parliament approved, at first reading, a tenancy reform bill aimed at speeding up evictions and ending rent controls on new leases, which tenants’ associations have described as “savagery”.
On 12th October 2026, police removed tents installed by housing-rights protesters (movement “Não consegues pagar renda? Traz tenda”) at Praça D. João I in Porto. The encampment followed a demonstration against rising living costs and housing unaffordability held on 10th October, which drew around 1,500 people. Protesters used the tents to maintain a visible, ongoing protest demanding better access to affordable housing. The Porto Municipal Council justified the intervention on the grounds that the encampment unlawfully occupied public space.
Hundreds of higher education students marched through Lisbon on 24th March 2026, Student’s Day, in a demonstration organised by more than 50 student groups. They demanded affordable housing, an end to tuition fees and stronger social support, warning that the poorest are being priced out of university. The protest follows an October 2025 demonstration against a proposed fee increase, which parliament rejected. Education Minister Fernando Alexandre called fee cuts “regressive,” favouring inflation-linked updates, though he said the matter awaits the State Budget debate. He promised over 14,000 additional residence beds next academic year.
In October 2026, a series of further strikes affected public services across Portugal. On 2nd October, a 24-hour strike by around 350,000 public administration workers disrupted schools, waste collection and other services in several parts of the country, with unions demanding higher wages, improved career progression and changes to the public-sector performance evaluation system. The strike marked the beginning of further planned work stoppages during the month, including by teachers, non-teaching school staff and workers at the Agency for Integration, Migration and Asylum (AIMA), alongside a national demonstration called by CGTP. The strikes took place as the government prepared its 2027 state budget and continued negotiations with public-sector unions.
Anti-war protests in Portugal over US-Israeli attack on Iran and debate over use of Lajes Air Base
In March 2026, several protests were held in Portugal in response to the US-Israeli attack on Iran. Demonstrators argued that the attack lacked international legal legitimacy and was exacerbating civilian suffering. The US military operation also reignited debate over the authorisation of US use of Lajes Air Base in the Azores. Under a longstanding agreement between Portugal and the United States, the US may use the base without prior authorisation during peacetime but requires Portuguese approval once hostilities begin.
On 7th March, just over two dozen people gathered near Lajes Air Base on Terceira Island, chanting ‘Lajes for peace, not for bombing’. Organised as a citizens’ initiative, the rally called on Portugal to reject the use of the base for operations supporting the war, arguing that such activities fell outside the Portugal-US Cooperation and Defence Agreement. Spokesperson Laura Alves said protesters opposed the Iranian regime but rejected narratives used to justify further escalation. They called for diplomatic efforts, greater transparency over US flights from the base and debate in the national and Azorean parliaments.
Further demonstrations were held on 14th March in Lisbon and Porto following a call by more than 70 organisations, including the CGTP trade union. Under the slogan ‘Peace, Sovereignty and Solidarity’, protesters condemned US threats and aggression, opposed increased military spending and criticised the Portuguese government’s alignment with ‘confrontation, militarism and war’.
In the context of the US and Israel’s attack on Iran, Portugal’s authorisation of several US transit flights through Lajes Air Base prompted criticism from left-wing opposition parties and a political debate over Lisbon’s role in operations linked to the conflict. In April 2026, the Left Bloc called on prosecutors to investigate the US use of the base, arguing that it constituted a ‘gross violation of international law’. On 3rd October, prosecutors announced that they had opened an investigation into the legality of the government’s authorisation, following the Left Bloc’s complaint.
Protest against far-right meeting in Ericeira
On 26th September 2026, dozens of people protested in Ericeira against a meeting bringing together leaders of several European far-right parties, including Portugal’s Chega. The protest took place near the Vila Galé hotel, where the first session of the ‘Patriots Academy’, organised by the Patriots for Europe Foundation, was being held. Protesters waved Palestinian flags and held signs opposing the far right, arguing that there was no place for hate speech or divisive discourse in the multicultural town. Chega leader André Ventura downplayed the demonstration, while defending the meeting as an important gathering of ‘patriotic forces’.
Protests over rising fuel prices
On 25th September 2026, around 400 trucks took part in a slow procession between Lordelo and Coimbra to protest rising fuel prices. The action was organised by earthmoving, excavation and related construction companies, which said diesel prices had risen by 63 cents per litre since February and called for fuel discounts similar to those available to the transport sector. The government had introduced targeted support for transporters and farmers but excluded the sector from the measures. Infrastructure Minister Miguel Pinto Luz acknowledged that it may have been overlooked and said the government was considering its demands.
Similar protests had taken place in the previous weeks. On 7th September, a horn-honking protest took place on the 25 de Abril Bridge between Almada and Lisbon, while a slow-moving car protest near the Galp refinery in Sines caused more than 10 kilometres of traffic queues on the IC33 and disruptions on other roads.
Face-covering ban threatens religious and protest rights
On 17th July 2026, Portugal’s Parliament passed a law banning face coverings in public spaces, with a two-thirds majority. The first version of the draft bill, proposed by the far-right Chega party and approved in October 2025 targeted burqas and other veils covering the face, citing women’s rights and security concerns.
Amnesty International Portugal called the new law discriminatory, saying that despite the removal of direct references to Islam, it violates Muslim women’s freedom of religion and expression and risks deepening their exclusion from public life, education, and employment. The watchdog also noted that existing law already allows restrictions in locations clearly defined as high-risk, such as border controls, and requires people to show their faces when objectively necessary, for example, for identity verification.
The organisation also stressed the law’s impact on privacy and peaceful assembly. As the law specifically prohibits concealing one’s face during demonstrations, according to Amnesty, it contradicts international law, which permits face coverings so people can take part in assemblies anonymously and avoid reprisals. Executive Director João Godinho Martins urged the President not to sign the law and to seek a constitutional review.
Portuguese President António José Seguro enacted the law in August without first submitting it to the Constitutional Court, and it came into effect on 23rd September 2026. Under the law, violation of the ban provides for fines ranging from €150 to €750 in cases of negligence and from €400 to €3,000 in cases of intent. Forcing third parties to conceal their faces on the grounds of their gender, religion, age or origin is punishable by imprisonment for up to two years.
Report reveals security contract between mining company and security forces
On 28th May 2026, a report by the non-profit investigative outlet Fumaça revealed that Savannah Resources, the mining company behind a lithium project in Covas do Barroso, Boticas, Vila Real, had paid a local unit of the National Republican Guard (GNR), Portugal’s national gendarmerie which is part of the armed forces, for services protecting operations related to its mining project in 2025.
The disclosure came amid several years of conflict between local residents and environmental defenders opposing the project and the company. Interviewed by Fumaça, residents and activists described being intimidated and threatened with arrest by the GNR in January and April 2025, leading them to conclude the security forces were engaged in protecting the company’s operations even before these revelations were published.
Between 6th and 10th August 2026, nearly 1,000 people gathered in Covas do Barroso to participate in the sixth Encampment in Defence of Barroso, organised to oppose Savannah Resources’ project. The camp brought together local residents, activists and environmental organisations for debates, workshops, cultural activities and a protest march. Organisers said the turnout exceeded expectations and reflected growing opposition to lithium extraction in the region. The encampment also highlighted concerns over administrative easements allowing the company to conduct prospecting on private and vacant land against the wishes of landowners.
Freedom of Expression
Law prohibiting display of flags on public buildings adopted, then vetoed
On 17th April 2026, Parliament approved legislation prohibiting the display of “ideological, party or associative” flags on public buildings, citing the principle of institutional “neutrality”. In practice, the measure would have prevented the display of the rainbow flag and symbols of solidarity with the Palestinian and Ukrainian peoples on public premises. Human rights and LGBTQI+ organisations condemned the legislation as deliberately erasing minority visibility and narrowing freedom of expression within state institutions, arguing that the rhetoric of neutrality could disproportionately silence already marginalised communities. The bill was subsequently vetoed by the President in June 2026. However, its approval by the parliamentary majority and the political intent behind it remained a concern.
Concerns over restructuring of public service media
In March 2026, workers’ committees at Radio and Television of Portugal (Rádio e Televisão de Portugal, RTP), Portugal’s public broadcaster, and the state-owned Lusa news agency voiced alarm over the government’s plan to restructure the two organisations. They expressed concern about the proposed merger of their headquarters, partial privatisation and a governance model that could increase the risk of political interference and compromise editorial independence. Trade unions also criticised the government’s lack of transparency in the restructuring and “transformation” of public service media.
The concerns continued in June, when Lusa and RTP announced plans for an operational cooperation agreement. On 15th June, Lusa’s board announced that the two organisations would sign a memorandum of understanding (MoU) providing for closer operational cooperation, including the possible sharing of facilities at regional and international level. While the organisations said they would retain full editorial autonomy and stressed that the agreement did not involve a merger, Lusa’s management said cooperation would be limited to areas where it could generate efficiency gains and create value for public service.
The announcement renewed concerns among journalists about the potential impact on Lusa’s independence. The Journalists’ Union (SJ) called for access to the MoU and said that important questions remained about the safeguards for editorial independence, the practical arrangements for operational cooperation, possible staff and facility sharing, and the implications for journalists’ working conditions. The union also recalled concerns raised earlier in the year after the government adopted new statutes for Lusa following the state becoming its sole shareholder.
On 17th June, Minister of the Presidency António Leitão Amaro told parliament that the government had not participated in drafting the MoU, but acknowledged that it had encouraged the initiative and supported greater cooperation between the two public companies while preserving their autonomy. However, journalists and unions warned that closer institutional and operational links could still create risks to editorial independence and media pluralism if adequate safeguards were not established.
Workers and unions warned that aspects of the restructuring appeared incompatible with the European Media Freedom Act and constitutional guarantees of independence, and could affect media pluralism. In its Rule of Law report, published in July 2026, the European Commission also raised concerns about the restructuring plan and its potential impact on Lusa’s editorial independence.
Concerns over government contract with AI platform to “rank” journalists
In April 2026, reports emerged that the Portuguese government had signed a contract worth around €40,000 with the Irish company NewsWhip to acquire an AI-based predictive analytics platform for monitoring social and online media. The tool has been criticised for a feature that ranks journalists according to the impact of their publications. Journalists’ organisations and digital rights experts warned that its use could undermine media freedom and pluralism by effectively creating a “ranking” of journalists and indirectly influencing their work.
The Portuguese media regulator opened an inquiry into the potential risks to press freedom and editorial independence, as well as the processing of data relating to media professionals and outlets. The government defended the contract and said it intended to maintain it, describing the tool as merely “modern clipping”.
Far-right MPs interrupt radio broadcast during political debate
On 12th October 2026, members of the far-right Chega party, including MPs Rita Matias and Madalena Cordeiro, stormed the studios of Rádio Universidade de Coimbra (RUC) during a live political debate.
The studio is located in the building of the Coimbra Academic Association (AAC). The programme, a new debate series, was to feature the youth wings of the parties represented in the Assembly of the Republic. Chega had been invited to take part remotely because of a February decision by the AAC barring the party’s members from its premises. The station said the arrangement was intended to allow Chega’s youth wing to join the debate alongside the other youth organisations.
According to media reports, the broadcast was interrupted when Matias picked up a studio microphone. RUC representatives said members of the group recorded the incident and initially refused to leave. They departed after three Public Security Police (PSP) officers arrived. Speaking to Lusa news agency, Matias said Chega had only wanted to “contribute to the debate” and described the decision to limit the party to remote participation as undemocratic and unconstitutional. Chega said 17 members of its youth wing had gone to the studio to disrupt the broadcast.
Press freedom violations: discreditation, restriction of access and attack on journalists
Between November 2025 and October 2026, the Media Freedom Rapid Response Mechanism recorded 16 press freedom violations in Portugal, ranging from discreditation and intimidation to a serious physical attack resulting in injury.
Public officials and institutions discredit journalists and media outlets
On 13th May 2026, Vila Nova de Gaia City Council accused the state news agency Lusa of ‘manipulation’ and ‘lying’ over its reporting on the cancellation of a recruitment process and the opening of 93 management positions.
On 10th April 2026, Coimbra Mayor Ana Abrunhosa accused Lusa journalist João Gaspar of ‘lying’, ‘serious and systematic ethical violations’ and having a ‘political agenda’ following a report on delays to the rehabilitation of Coimbra Cinema House. Lusa rejected the accusations as ‘unfounded, baseless and defamatory’, while the Journalists’ Union condemned what it described as attempts to discredit and restrict the journalist’s work, including by limiting his access to meetings and sources. On 17th April, the media regulator ERC opened an investigation into the incident following a complaint from Lusa.
On 20th March 2026, the charity Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Bragança criticised an RTP report on alleged abuse at its Special Education Centre, describing it as a ‘preconceived narrative’. The Journalists’ Union defended the report, citing complaints and official documents underpinning the coverage, and described the charity’s statement as ‘an attempt to condition the practice of journalism and the dissemination of information’. In April, the charity reiterated its denials and threatened legal action.
Journalists and photojournalists face restrictions on access to events
Between November 2025 and April 2026, several cases were recorded where journalists and photojournalists in Portugal faced restrictions on access to events.
From 8th to 9th April 2026, photojournalists were denied accreditation to cover Rosalía’s concerts in Lisbon. Promoter Live Nation instead offered media outlets images taken by an official photographer. The Journalists’ Union criticised the restrictions, warning that replacing independent photojournalism with promotional material gives artists and promoters greater control over visual coverage.
On 21st January 2026, Sábado journalist Tomás Guerreiro was stopped by parliamentary security while questioning MPs about their presidential election voting intentions. Although he was accredited and on duty, he was told he could not continue asking questions following complaints from MPs.
On 14th January 2026, FC Porto introduced a new document that photojournalists were required to sign to obtain accreditation for the club’s sporting events. The Journalists’ Union described the requirement as ‘unacceptable’, arguing that it could restrict journalistic work and violate the Press Law. FC Porto said the document was intended to protect intellectual property and prevent accredited photographers from commercially exploiting images.
Earlier, on 17th November 2025, journalists from several media outlets were denied access to a public meeting of Porto’s Metropolitan Council to appoint its new board. After waiting for an hour without explanation, reporters left in protest. The Journalists’ Union condemned the exclusion and said it would file complaints with the council and media regulator ERC.
Journalists face intimidation and interference from football club officials and supporters
On 12th February 2026, Benfica press officer Gonçalo Guimarães reportedly slapped CMTV journalist Gustavo Lourenço’s hand to prevent him from interviewing a Benfica player. Three days later, during a training session, Lourenço asked Guimarães not to hit him again. Guimarães reportedly replied that he would do so ‘as many times as necessary’. CMTV recorded the exchange and broadcast it on 16th February.
On 17th February, Benfica announced that it was severing institutional relations with Medialivre, the parent company of CMTV and Correio da Manhã, citing the ‘dissemination of false information’. The club denied attacking or threatening journalists and said it objected to Lourenço’s repeated approaches to players and coaching staff. It also described the journalist as disrespectful and said it would file a criminal complaint against CMTV, Lourenço and Correio da Manhã. The Journalists’ Union condemned the incident and criticised Benfica’s decision to sever institutional ties with Medialivre.
The following day, on 18th February 2026, CMTV journalist Pedro Neves de Sousa was verbally harassed by three Benfica supporters while reporting live outside Lisbon’s Estádio da Luz. Two of the supporters were identified, and police filed a criminal complaint with the Public Prosecutor’s Office.
Court orders removal of investigative report
On 30th March 2026, a Portuguese court ordered the removal of an investigative report by Now based on a complaint by real estate company REMAX. The investigative piece concerned alleged large-scale property fraud and included references to franchisees linked to the company. The first instance decision was issued without the broadcaster being represented at the hearing and was criticised by journalists’ organisations as an act of prior censorship. According to media reports, the Lisbon Court of Appeal subsequently lifted the injunction.
Criminal complaint against radio director over reporting
On 20th March 2026, Bragança Mayor Isabel Ferreira filed a criminal complaint against Rádio Regional director Vítor Fernandes, accusing him of ‘stalking’ through repeated requests for information and reporting on the municipal executive. The complaint reportedly concerns a four-month period during which Fernandes contacted the mayor six times by phone and sent 27 emails, including follow-ups and responses. Ferreira claimed that the contacts caused her ‘distress’ and negatively affected her personal and professional life. She also alleged that Fernandes’ practice of informing her of response deadlines before publication was ‘intimidating’ and criticised him for contacting her directly through her official email address rather than via the municipality’s press office.The Journalists’ Union rejected the allegations as relating to legitimate journalistic activity and described the complaint as an attempt to intimidate independent journalism.
Journalists violently attacked while investigating modelling agency
On 7th March 2026, journalists from Now’s ‘Repórter Sábado’ were violently attacked while investigating alleged illegal practices at a modelling agency in Vila Nova de Gaia. Reporter Luana Plácido and two camera operators were reportedly punched and kicked after identifying themselves as journalists, and all three required medical attention. One camera operator reportedly suffered hearing loss, while the alleged attacker smeared blood on Plácido’s face after injuring his hand while attempting to seize the camera. The Journalists’ Union condemned the ‘intolerable’ attack, while Medialivre said it would file a criminal complaint.