Slovenia: Civicus Monitor Update – October 2026
This alert originally appeared on CIVICUS Monitor
Introduction
Following the parliamentary elections held on 22nd March 2026, Slovenia underwent a significant political transition with the formation of a new government led by the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) in coalition with New Slovenia (NSi), the Slovenian People’s Party (SLS), Fokus and the Democrats (Demokrati), with SDS leader Janez Janša as Prime Minister. The new governing majority has rapidly introduced a range of legislative proposals and measures affecting areas including taxation, labour rights, the judiciary, electoral law and the financing of civil society organisations (CSOs).
Many of these reforms have been justified on the grounds of public savings, administrative streamlining and reducing bureaucracy. They include the Act on Intervention Measures for the Development of Slovenia (ZIURS), an omnibus law reversing several reforms adopted during the previous parliamentary term; amendments to the Employment Relationships Act affecting the collection of trade union membership fees; amendments to the Parliamentary Inquiry Act limiting the right of persons subject to parliamentary inquiries to appeal against the establishment of an inquiry; the Act on Specialised Bodies for the Prosecution of Corruption and Organised Crime (StKOK), which changes the procedure for appointing public prosecutors; proposed amendments to the Local Elections Act withdrawing local voting rights from third-country nationals; and the proposed Demographic Fund Act, which has been criticised for lacking essential anti-corruption safeguards.
The new right-wing government has also raised the question of whether Slovenia’s independent equality body, the Advocate of the Principle of Equality, should be merged with the Office of the Human Rights Ombudsman. Coalition MPs argue that the two institutions’ work overlaps and that consolidation would reduce staffing costs. Civil society organisations have warned that incorporating the Advocate into the Ombudsman’s office could weaken constitutional protection against discrimination and reduce the number of institutions providing such protection, potentially limiting access to legal remedies in discrimination cases.
Several of these initiatives have prompted criticism from civil society, trade unions, independent institutions and legal experts, as they weaken democratic safeguards, reduce opportunities for public participation and risk narrowing the enabling environment for civil society. CSOs and trade unions have responded by launching referendum initiatives challenging proposed legislation, mobilising tens of thousands of signatures within a short period.
Freedom of Association
Government threatens to “turn off taps” for civil society: cancellations and cuts threaten CSO funding
The newly elected Slovenian government has publicly questioned and criticised the funding model for civil society and announced plans to reform how CSOs are financed, raising concerns about the future sustainability and independence of the sector. The proposed changes affect both the overall funding system and future resources for civil society, as well as publicly funded projects that have already been planned or are in progress. During Janša’s previous term in government, from 2020 to 2022, CSOs faced hostile rhetoric, including accusations of being “parasites”, alongside financial and administrative pressure. During the 2026 election campaign, SDS figures repeatedly threatened to “turn off the funding taps” for vocally critical CSOs once they came to power.
In his introductory speech to parliament in June 2026, shortly before being appointed Minister of the Interior and Public Administration, Franci Matoz announced his intention to abolish the NGO Fund and end direct public funding for CSOs. Although no concrete legislative proposal has yet been introduced, the governing coalition agreement provides for replacing the current funding system with one under which CSOs would be financed exclusively through taxpayers’ designation of a portion of their personal income tax. This would eliminate some existing forms of public funding for civil society. CSOs have warned that replacing public funding with voluntary taxpayer designations could significantly undermine the financial sustainability of organisations working in areas such as human rights, social services, environmental protection and culture.
Following these developments, at the end of June, the Ministry of Agriculture cancelled a public call for environmental and agricultural projects only hours before the application deadline. The ministry said the call’s topics were not aligned with the new government’s coalition agreement and programme. They included climate change mitigation and adaptation, sustainable energy production, and environmentally sustainable food production and farming. Researchers and CSOs criticised the late cancellation as undermining legal certainty and described it as historically exceptional, worrying and clearly political.
Concerns over public funding were further reinforced in early July when the Ministry of Culture announced potential cuts to public funding for existing arts and cultural projects, citing a budget shortfall. On 20th July, the ministry went further, halting the entire procedure for awarding working grants (delovne štipendije) to self-employed cultural workers, withdrawing €700,000 in available funding. Approximately 90 artists were expected to be affected. The ministry also instructed organisations implementing publicly funded projects not to submit reimbursement claims, arguing that payments could only be processed following a revision of the state budget expected in September. It also warned that funding allocations could subsequently be reduced. In response, Slovenia’s Human Rights Ombudsman criticised the ministry’s actions and called on the authorities to respect the rule of law.
Although existing funding agreements remained valid, the ministry’s actions created uncertainty among CSOs. Following criticism from legal experts and cultural organisations, among others, the Ministry of Culture announced that it would honour existing contracts but cancel future funding calls and opportunities for CSOs and reduce contracted amounts in the future.
CSOs warn dismantling of NGO Development Fund threatens hundreds of organisations
On 30th September 2026, Slovenia’s National Assembly adopted the Act on the Public Fund for Advanced Treatment of Rare Diseases, which redirects the dedicated revenue of the NGO Development Fund to a new fund for advanced treatment of rare diseases. Civil society organisations have warned that the law effectively dismantles the NGO Development Fund by eliminating its dedicated source of financing, with no replacement source of funding provided. The Civic Space Watch platform has said this puts hundreds of civil society organisations (CSOs) at immediate financial risk.
Slovenian civil society groups argue that the move is not a technical budgetary adjustment but an attempt to dismantle the country’s civil society support infrastructure. Civic Space Watch said the fund had for years provided stable public financing for hundreds of organisations and was the only dedicated national public funding mechanism supporting work on democracy, human rights, the rule of law, transparency and anti-corruption. It said organisations working in these areas would be hit hardest, and that some of those that scrutinise people in power could be left without any support.
According to Civic Space Watch, the fund has €12.6 million in contractual obligations: €4 million due in 2026, €6.7 million in 2027 and €1.9 million in 2028. It said that if the redirection goes ahead, only €7.6 million will remain, leaving a potential shortfall of €5 million for agreements the state has already signed with more than 300 NGOs. The platform said organisations that applied to public calls, were selected for funding and signed contracts with the state could now face cuts, interrupted financing or the termination of their agreements. This would affect programmes already under way, with staff employed and services being delivered to communities.
CSOs reported the law was passed in 13 days under an urgent legislative procedure, without public consultation and despite strong objections from civil society. At a parliamentary health committee hearing on 28th September, several CSOs sought to attend and present their concerns, but most were not admitted to the room. The few representatives who were allowed in could only listen and were not permitted to speak. Several proposed amendments to protect existing grant agreements and secure financing for contractual obligations were rejected, and the National Assembly adopted the law two days later.
Civil society groups at Metelkova 6 fear eviction as government plans independence museum
On 23rd June 2026, the Slovenian government adopted a resolution to re-establish the Museum of Slovenian Independence as a separate institution. The museum had previously been merged with the Museum of Contemporary History of Slovenia under the previous government. The government designated a building at Metelkova 6 in Ljubljana as its headquarters, and the Ministry of Culture plans to allocate three offices there. Culture Minister Ignacija Fridl Jarc said €150,000 had been earmarked for the museum in 2026, with a recruitment process for a director to follow.
The historic Metelkova 6 complex houses civil society organisations (CSOs), social movements and grassroots groups. These include PIC (the Legal Centre for the Protection of Human Rights and the Environment), arts and culture associations, and LGBTQI+ and feminist organisations. The building has been at the centre of efforts to evict independent cultural organisations and NGOs since 2020. During Janez Janša’s previous term as prime minister, in 2020-2022, CSOs faced what they described as politically motivated eviction threats from premises they had used for decades.
No concrete steps or legal action to end the leases have been taken so far. However, CSOs fear the latest plans could signal renewed pressure on them.
Legislative changes raise concerns for civil society and trade unions
A series of legislative proposals and administrative measures is shaping the operating environment for civil society organisations (CSOs) and trade unions in Slovenia, affecting their ability to organise, advocate and access public funding. Several of the reforms do not directly regulate freedom of association, but taken together they raise concerns about democracy and the rule of law. Critics say they risk undermining CSOs’ financial sustainability, expanding state oversight of civic actors and reducing public participation in the legislative process.
Omnibus “intervention” law triggers union-led referendum drive
In early April 2026, before the new government was formed, MPs from NSi, SLS, Fokus and the Democrats (Demokrati), who later formed the governing coalition, submitted an omnibus bill together with MPs from the far-right Resni.ca party. The bill, the Act on Intervention Measures for the Development of Slovenia (ZIURS), covers a wide range of policy areas, including taxation, long-term care, healthcare reform and restrictions on short-term accommodation platforms such as Airbnb. Critics argued that it reverses numerous reforms adopted in the previous parliamentary term, reduces social protection, weakens public healthcare and lowers taxes for high earners.
The National Assembly adopted the act on 11th May 2026 by 47 votes to 35. The adoption also prompted concerns about public participation in the legislative process. Trade unions launched a signature campaign for a legislative referendum and collected more than 47,000 signatures within a short period. However, because the act contains tax provisions, which are excluded from citizens’ referendum initiatives, the National Assembly initially rejected the request on constitutional grounds.
The unions challenged the decision before the Constitutional Court. They argued that including tax measures in a broad omnibus bill was a political and tactical move that prevented citizens from seeking a referendum on its other provisions. In August, the court ruled that a referendum could proceed. Following the ruling, Žan Mahnič, an MP from the SDS, questioned on X whether Constitutional Court decisions should be respected. A binding legislative referendum on the law will be held on 6th December 2026.
Inquiry on CSO funding followed by proposal to reduce safeguards against politically motivated parliamentary investigations; “Political Police” law rejected in referendum
On 10th April 2026, the SDS parliamentary group and NSi requested the establishment of a parliamentary inquiry committee to examine allegedly uneconomic or illegal decisions by the management and supervisory bodies of electricity companies. The inquiry was also to cover the financing of non-governmental organisations, and the proposers wrote that its findings could serve as a basis for changing the legislation on NGO funding. CSOs denounced the request as politically motivated and noted that information on NGO funding is already publicly available.
Soon after the request was submitted, it emerged that an inquiry would need a sufficiently solid legal basis, or the Constitutional Court could suspend it. The National Assembly then adopted amendments to the Parliamentary Inquiry Act under a shortened procedure in May 2026. Among other changes, the amendments restrict the possibility of challenging a parliamentary inquiry before the Constitutional Court, meaning that individuals targeted by an inquiry could no longer seek such judicial review. Inquiry committees would also be able to obtain, without a court order, information on individuals’ bank accounts, private communications, telephone records and audio and video recordings, as well as documentation held by the police, the Financial Administration (FURS) and other public authorities.
CSOs warned that the changes significantly reduce safeguards against politically motivated parliamentary investigations and could have a chilling effect on organisations engaged in advocacy or government oversight. They reacted immediately by launching a referendum campaign titled “Referendum Against the Political Police”. The organisers submitted more than 44,000 signatures on 21st July.
The National Assembly has still not placed the April inquiry request on its agenda, although it is able to do so. It appears to be waiting for the amended legislation to enter into force so that the inquiry can proceed under the new rules. On 11th October, voters rejected the changes to the Parliamentary Inquiry Act, with 51% voting against, which prevents the law from entering into force. Civic Space Watch described the result as a significant setback for government efforts to expand the powers of inquiry committees while reducing judicial safeguards.
Proposal to end payroll deduction of trade union fees
Trade unions also expressed concern over proposed amendments to the Employment Relationships Act, which were tabled in May 2026, shortly after the unions became actively engaged in opposing the ZIURS. The amendments would abolish the current system under which employers deduct trade union membership fees directly from employees’ salaries. Unions would have to organise the collection of fees themselves and would have only 14 days between the law’s publication and its entry into force to adapt. Unions have compared the measure to similar steps taken by Viktor Orbán’s government in Hungary, which was followed by a sharp drop in union membership.
The official justification for the proposal is to reduce the administrative burden on employers. Unions dispute this, arguing that payroll systems already handle automatic deductions with minimal effort. They also contend that the change would make fee collection considerably more difficult, weakening their organisational and financial capacity to represent workers. The amendments remain under consideration in parliament under the short legislative procedure.
Prosecution law widens justice minister’s role in appointments
Further concerns regarding institutional safeguards were raised regarding the adoption of the Act on Specialised Bodies for the Prosecution of Corruption and Organised Crime (SKOK) under an expedited legislative procedure. Among other changes, the law increases ministerial discretion in appointing public prosecutors. Under the previous system, the State Prosecutorial Council assessed and ranked candidates, and the justice minister could only delay appointments through a suspensive veto. Under the new rules, the minister is not bound by the council’s opinion and may propose any formally eligible candidate, regardless of ranking.
The law does not directly regulate CSOs, but several institutions criticised both its content and the accelerated procedure. They warned that weakening independent oversight bodies could ultimately affect the wider environment in which civil society operates. The National Assembly adopted the law by 47 votes to 35 in September 2026.
Freedom of Peaceful Assembly
In 2026, the right to peaceful assembly remained formally guaranteed in Slovenia. However, concerns persisted over the proportionality of police measures and the potential deterrent effect of penalising protest participants.
CSOs reported that challenges seen in 2025 re-emerged, particularly around protests linked to LGBTQI+ rights. Pride events took place amid heightened security risks, polarisation, hate speech and the presence of organised opposing groups. The Pride Parade in Ljubljana in June was accompanied throughout by a police helicopter, which civil society observers deemed unnecessary. The LGBTQI+ organisation Legebitra recorded several hate crimes and instances of hate speech at the event through its reporting platform, Niprav.si. Those present included the far-right Stranka Straža, the Catholic National Party, which has been accused of sympathising with Nazi movements.
On 22nd May 2026, police fined a protester €160 for displaying a black cube in Republic Square, in front of the National Assembly in Ljubljana. The action, organised by cyclists, featured a performer in a Benjamin Netanyahu mask. It referred to allegations that the Israeli private intelligence firm Black Cube had interfered in the March 2026 general election by helping to leak recordings intended to undermine the government of then Prime Minister Robert Golob. The cube bore the inscription “Treasonous government, project supported by the State of Israel.” Police approached the protester and issued the fine, after which activist Jaša Jenull carried the cube to the entrance of the National Assembly.
On 20th October 2026, amid a wave of protests in several European cities, Prime Minister Janez Janša warned against potential protests in Slovenia. His warning followed the online circulation of posters of unknown origin announcing demonstrations in Ljubljana and other European cities on 20th November. “We will never allow violence from some European cities to move to us,” Janša wrote on social media, warning left-wing groups against organising protests. The posters did not identify their organisers. Luka Goršek, an MP from the opposition Social Democrats (SD), accused the right of spreading misleading information about the protests.
Freedom of Expression
Journalists face discreditation, threats and intimidation
In late 2025 and throughout 2026, monitoring by the Slovenian Journalists’ Association (DNS) and the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom’s Mapping Media Freedom platform recorded several incidents affecting press freedom in Slovenia.
On 28th November 2025, Slovenia’s Information Commissioner requested documents and explanations from investigative outlet Oštro about its use and storage of personal data for Asset Detector, a project examining the assets of politicians and their immediate family members. The authority sought the legal basis for the processing under the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), as well as correspondence with two government ministers. The request followed a complaint by the Municipality of Ljutomer to the Specialised State Prosecutor’s Office, which accused Oštro of unjustified data processing and spreading false information in its reporting on the mayor’s assets.
Oštro faced further pressure from the authorities in 2026. On 13th October 2026, the Slovenian Government Communication Office (Ukom), represented by Acting Director Sebastjan Jeretič, sent Oštro a letter questioning the independence of editor Anuška Delić and requesting explanations about the outlet’s editorial policy and her appearance at a referendum debate. Ukom said it would consider further steps after receiving a response, including referring the matter to the European Fact-Checking Standards Network (EFCSN). Oštro described the letter as unacceptable pressure on independent journalism and an attempt to obstruct its work, adding that its editorial practices and ethical standards are publicly available.
Several other media outlets have faced threats and intimidation over their reporting on political figures. In June and July 2026, Zoran Stevanović, leader of the far-right, anti-establishment Resni.ca party and Speaker of the National Assembly, publicly targeted several outlets, threatening to cut their funding after they published articles he considered unfavourable. The targets included Delo newspaper, over its reporting on Stevanović’s visit to Serbia; public broadcaster RTV Slovenija and its programme Marcel; and POP TV, over its reporting on Stevanović’s previous conviction for violent behaviour. Journalists’ organisations warned that such rhetoric fosters a hostile environment for independent journalism and may discourage critical reporting on matters of public interest.
On 20th July, Katja Kokot, an MP from Resni.ca, posted an offensive message on social media disparaging the media, following coverage of MPs. The same day, State Secretary Mojca Škrinjar of Janez Janša’s Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) called for the closure of RTV Slovenija in a post on X, also using offensive language about the broadcaster.
On 28th July, entrepreneur Aleš Štrancar threatened journalists with the loss of their jobs in a comment on X. He was responding to a post about Večer’s reporting on a speech by Prime Minister Janez Janša, and also accused journalists of manipulating public opinion and spreading misleading information.
On 7th March 2026, Janša indirectly threatened POP TV with the loss of business from state-owned companies. In a post on X commenting on the broadcaster’s reporting and editorial decisions, he wrote: “Fine, if we were doing it with our own money… But all of this is heavily financed by state-owned companies controlled by the government of the Republic of Slovenia. And we will soon put an end to this.”
On 5th October 2026, the Slovenian Democratic Youth (SDM), the youth wing of the SDS, published a poster on Facebook showing RTV Slovenija journalists Tanja Gobec, Marcel Štefančič and Boris Vasev alongside a slogan calling for the abolition of the “left-wing RTV contribution”. The poster was part of a referendum campaign to abolish the public broadcaster’s licence fee. Critics said it attacked the journalists’ professional integrity and warned that portraying them as politically biased could expose them to further online and physical harassment.
Journalists also faced restrictions on their access to events. On 23rd March 2026, Igor Kršinar, a journalist with Reporter Magazine, was denied entry to the Freedom Movement’s election headquarters. He said he had applied for accreditation before the deadline but was turned away on arrival and told his accreditation had been rejected, without further explanation.
On 14th April 2026, Udine Mayor Brane Kolednik physically prevented a cameraman from local broadcaster BK TV from filming a municipal council session. The mayor reportedly grabbed the cameraman’s hand, restricting his movement and insisting that he stop recording. The cameraman said he felt helpless, scared and threatened. Although the journalist and cameraman were allowed to attend the session, they were barred from filming, and the cameraman was made to put down his camera.
Incidents were also recorded in the digital sphere. On 31st August 2026, Slovenian outlet Necenzurirano.si was targeted by a large-scale distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attack that disrupted access to its website. According to the outlet, the perpetrators used infected computers in 40 countries to generate excessive traffic, leaving its content unavailable for an extended period. The outlet suggested that, although foreign computers were used to conceal the attackers’ identity, the campaign may have been organised or commissioned from within Slovenia.
Journalists also reported harassment and threats online from private individuals. In February 2026, Delo journalist Anja Intihar reported receiving discrediting and insulting comments on Facebook, systematically and from the same individual, some containing gendered insults. In June, Večer journalist Petra Lesjak Tušek reported personal insults directed at her and her family on Facebook. In October, an individual threatened Gašper Andrinek, president of the Slovene Journalists’ Association, with hanging in a comment on a post on the association’s Instagram account.
On 5th October 2026, poet and writer Svetlana Makarovič insulted Planet TV journalist Sara Grobelšek as she answered questions on freedom of expression outside a court hearing. The case was brought against Makarovič by RTV Slovenija journalist Jože Možina. Makarovič reportedly interrupted Grobelšek, telling her: “Be quiet, because you’re stupid.” Press freedom watchdogs condemned the remarks, calling verbal attacks on journalists unacceptable and urging that such incidents be reported.
A case involving a physical attack on a journalist was also recorded. On 27th January 2026, a TV Koper crew was reportedly verbally abused and spat on by Demien Fritz, an outspoken supporter of neo-Nazi movements, while interviewing him at a nightclub in Lucija about the appearance of Nazi symbols at a previous event. Fritz reportedly made derogatory remarks about the LGBTQI+ community and insulted the journalists after filming ended. The incident was reported to police on 29th January. The Union of Slovenian Journalists (SNS) and DNS condemned the attack and called on the competent institutions to act.
Public financing of RTV Slovenija under threat
The developments come amid continuing public debate over proposed changes to the financing of RTV Slovenija. A legislative proposal from Zoran Stevanović’s Resni.ca party to abolish the mandatory RTV licence fee and replace it with direct funding from the state budget was submitted to parliament as a popular initiative in the previous parliamentary term. It had been expected to be debated in the autumn session. Civil society organisations and media organisations have expressed concern about the potential impact of the changes on the broadcaster’s independence and sustainability.
In August 2026, the National Assembly voted to hold referendums on 11th October on the RTV Slovenija licence fee and on an amendment to the law on parliamentary inquiries (see Freedom of Association). Consideration of Stevanović’s proposal was postponed until after the results.
On 11th October 2026, Slovenians voted in a non-binding consultative referendum on whether to abolish the licence fee that funds RTV Slovenija. Voters narrowly rejected the proposal, with 50.14% voting against, according to the final count, which includes ballots from abroad. The State Election Commission is expected to confirm the result officially by 30th October.
The Public Media Alliance welcomed the outcome, warning that replacing the fee with voluntary payments or government budget funding could undermine the broadcaster’s financial security and independence. Prime Minister Janez Janša has nonetheless announced plans to make the fee voluntary despite the result.
In addition, the broadcaster is facing liquidity problems and proposals to overhaul its governance in a way critics say threatens to undermine its independence. In August, it was reported that the government had failed to meet its statutory funding obligations under Article 30 of the RTV Act, which provides for state funding of national minority programmes, cultural heritage archives and public music ensembles. An agreed liquidity loan was also cut from €12 million to €9.5 million. The broadcaster has since faced a liquidity crisis, which threatens its ability to carry out its public service mandate and its institutional independence.
In parallel, draft amendments to the public broadcasting law, published by the Ministry of Culture on 26th August, propose replacing RTV Slovenija’s four-member management board with a director general. A seven-member Supervisory Council would be empowered to appoint and dismiss the director general. The government would formally appoint six council members, and the Workers’ Council, which represents employees, would appoint the seventh. The amendments would also end the mandates of the broadcaster’s existing governing bodies and remove statutory funding benchmarks for minority-group programming and music production.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) warned that the proposed governance changes risk exposing the broadcaster to political pressure, and that funding reforms must not undermine the adequacy or predictability of its financing.
Further concerns regarding the public financing of media arose in July 2026, when the new government halted two public calls under the media support schemes established by the Media Act, which was adopted under the previous government. The calls provided funding for new journalistic positions and support for annual digital subscriptions to print media. The Ministry of Culture cited changed financial circumstances. The Slovenian Journalists’ Association (DNS) and the Trade Union of Slovenian Journalists (SNS) criticised the decision, warning that it could lead to job losses, fewer new hires and heavier workloads in already understaffed newsrooms.
Public displays of solidarity: legal protections, police warnings and removals
Since the new Public Order and Peace Act (ZJRM-2) entered into force on 28th January 2026, Slovenian law has explicitly permitted individuals to display foreign flags in public as an expression of solidarity or as part of artistic or political expression. Nonetheless, police visited several people who had displayed Palestinian flags in solidarity and warned them that their conduct constituted a misdemeanour. In April 2026, the Ljubljana District Court (case no. ZSV 74/2025) ruled that a resident who had displayed a Palestinian flag on their apartment building was exercising the right to freedom of expression and had not committed a public order offence. The court held that displaying a foreign flag alone cannot breach public order without additional circumstances showing actual interference with public order or the rights of others.
Several incidents involving symbolic expressions of support for the LGBTQI+ community were also documented through the Niprav.si system for reporting hate speech and discrimination. According to information shared with civil society organisations (CSOs), multiple rainbow flags displayed on private homes were forcibly removed. In one reported incident, a resident said a group of men used a ladder to take down the rainbow flag from the façade of a private home on two separate occasions. The rainbow flag outside the offices of CNVOS, the national NGO network, was also removed twice.
In previous years, the Ministry of Culture traditionally displayed the rainbow flag during Pride Month as a gesture of support for the LGBTQI+ community. After the new government was formed, the flag was removed once the new minister took office. The Palestinian flag, which had previously been displayed on the government building, was also removed after the change of government. It was subsequently raised at the Presidential Palace by the President of the Republic.
Criminal complaint against civil society activist over referendum campaign remarks
In May 2026, Katja Kokot, an MP from the Resni.ca party, filed a criminal complaint against civil society activist Filip Dobranić, a representative of the CSO Danes je nov dan. The complaint followed a press conference on 13th May 2026 at which an NGO coalition announced a campaign against the ZIURS, an austerity law pushed through without consultation (see Freedom of association).
At the event, Dobranić urged people to put pressure on MPs to oppose the act, specifically those from the Resni.ca group, and encouraged them to defend the right to a referendum through standard democratic means, such as contacting their representatives. Kokot filed a criminal complaint against Dobranić for alleged incitement to hatred and violence. She also called for security assessments for MPs, demanded a review of civil society funding and suggested suspending funding to Dobranić’s organisation.
Civil society groups criticised the complaint, noting that Kokot had been outspokenly critical of those in power before her election without facing criminal complaints, which they said pointed to a double standard. They also cited Kokot’s recent social media post, which described protesters as paid “Soros rats” and singled out one individual, as evidence that the complaint was an attempt to silence civil society.